Editors’ Note | Issue 02: Caste and Climate Justice
The genocide and ecocide in Palestine, the unfolding crises in Congo and Sudan, as well as Ladakh and Nicobar lay bare the numerous ways in which capitalist, imperialist, and brahmanical structures align with each other. Together, they are pushing us to the brink of environmental collapse. They have also shown us how enmeshed and planetary all of our struggles are, and how all forms of injustice are interconnected. The same corporations and states that drive fossil fuel dependence and ecological devastation are also complicit in militarised regimes and occupations that seize access to land and resources. Environmental harm is a result of settler-colonial violence and capitalist-imperialist-brahmanical interests. The extractivist impulse of the global elite manifests as a pattern worldwide, a pattern that deepens and prolongs existing forms of structural marginalisation - of gender, race, class and caste.
For us at Fourteen Magazine, it is important not only to name intersecting marginalities, but to actually examine the mechanics of their entanglement. Climate action has little meaning, unless it is mobilised to address deep-seated inequalities that result from the same logics that created the crisis in the first place. In India, caste is woven into the socio-ecological fabric of society. The logic of caste folds neatly into the circuitry of capitalism - both drawing life from dispossession and exploitation of labour and land. Any meaningful pursuit of climate justice must reckon with both the historical and ongoing forms of caste-based extraction.
Since 2014, the Indian government has granted indiscriminate clearance to large projects that severely impact the environment and the communities dependent on it. A report published in 2014 by PUCL, Fridays for Future and Bahutva Karnataka looks at the exacerbating crisis over the last 10 years, noting that the total number of Environmental (EC), Forest (FC), Wildlife (WL) and Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) clearances granted by the Ministry of Environment Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) increased 21 times - from 577 in 2018 to 12,496 in 2022.
Between 2018 and 2023, more than 100 amendments were made to the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification of 2006. These changes significantly diluted environmental protections and procedures to expedite project approvals. Among them were the removal of requirements for environmental clearances and the exemption of public consultations for several types of projects, including linear infrastructure developments. Similar amendments to other frameworks, such as the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Notification, which paved the way for the construction of Mumbai’s Coastal Road, were introduced without prior public notice.
Under the marker of “ease of business”, the government has served corporate interests at the expense of marginalised communities while simultaneously eroding the infrastructure for redressal, dismantling channels for the affected peoples’ response, and cracking down on protests. The impact of these shifts is almost always mediated through caste, shaping who bears the costs and who reaps the benefits.
The growing wealth disparity in the country has been documented in a number of studies— also documenting the growing concentration of wealth among the upper castes. The All-India Debt and Investment Survey (AIDIS) for 2018-19 indicates that upper castes hold nearly 55 per cent of the national wealth, and nearly 90% of all billionaire wealth. But the structures that enable such concentration to emerge were put in place by the pre-existing economies of caste, where access to and ownership of land are the primary instruments of economic position and power relations between different caste groups in the rural economy.
Using the example of Bengal and Punjab, Srilata Sircar (2025) writes about how the colonial settlement institutionalised caste-based land holdings through the use of “bhaichara tenures, or rights of ownership based on fraternity” (Sircar 2025: 167). Under these arrangements, upper-caste groups secured ownership rights, while non-dominant castes were relegated to tenant status, regardless of their actual use or cultivation of the land. Lower-caste, non-agricultural communities, and women were largely excluded from land ownership altogether. Similar settlement interventions across British India codified existing inequalities in access to land and resources into property law.
Upper-caste dominance over institutions, business, wealth holdings, and land creates and exacerbates the unequal vulnerability to climate change. A study by Singh and Thorat (2014) shows that, on the whole, occupational mobility has improved for upper and middle-caste groups in the postcolonial period. Dalits and Adivasis are disproportionately concentrated in skilled and semi-skilled jobs in the informal sector, and reservation policies have little economic impact in a rapidly shrinking public sector.
Given the profound urgency of the crisis and its impact on marginalised communities, this issue seeks to contribute to the growing discourse on caste and climate justice. Our contributors open multiple sites of inquiry through their lived experiences, research, visual documentation, and specific perspectives to engage with the ways in which caste and climate intertwine. The nine articles, while not exhaustive in any way, offer singular glimpses into how the relationship unfolds for different communities in different parts of the country.
Cyclical migration has long been a survival strategy for marginalised workers, particularly in response to changing climate patterns and more frequent disasters. Sachinkumar Rathod and Malini Ranganathan write about their research on the circular climate vulnerability of migrant workers. They trace the climate risk that follows Dalit and Mahadalit migrant workers from their villages (in this case, in flood-prone northern Bihar) to construction sites in Bengaluru, where they work under exploitative contracts, without safety gear or accommodation.
Changing climate patterns are lived and experienced acutely by pastoral communities. Through autoethnography and interviews with her family, Vaishnavi Pal tells the story of the Gadariya community, a nomadic shepherding community that has borne the growing consequences of climate change and marginal caste identity. As she describes shrinking pastures, loss of ecological knowledge and a shift away from pastoralism whilst fighting the shackles of caste identity, there is a sense of duality in the loss - it is both a shift away from a traditional caste occupation, and the loss of a wisdom that could have built important tools for climate resilience.
Prakash Bhoir, Pramila Bhoir and their family have been at the forefront of the Aarey Forest Movement, which mounted a briefly successful (but ultimately thwarted) challenge against the rapid deforestation in the Aarey colony to build metro car sheds. In the process of the movement Prakash Bhoir made several songs, activating folk singing traditions from within the Aarey colony. In this multi-media project we document some of the songs, accompanied by a short video recounting the days of the protest. The songs invite us into an alternate way of looking at our relationship to ecology, the hierarchy of being through which we live our lives.
Ch. Pratima writes about the complexities of picking up the camera as a marginalised-caste woman whose life is directly affected by the accelerated climate crisis. She speaks about her journey as a photographer whose lens is pointed from a unique subjectivity, about her encounter with the photographic image starting from her training and mentorship under Palani Kumar. Her photo essay captures the accelerated erosions in Podampeta, Odisha, in a striking and haunting fashion, rendering the climate crisis an urgent, sincere interiority that very few photographers can.
In Sikkim, the Dhokbu or forest spirits, are guardians and protectors of the forest. Lungmying Lepcha’s photos, interwoven with stories of the spirits from her ancestors, highlight how indigenous knowledge systems function as a powerful form of environmental stewardship. The nature of the spirits she describes is grey, just like humans. She traces the changes in Gangtok over the years through her family’s collective memory, and wonders how the forest spirits can cope with this kind of disruption to their home.
Abhinand Kishore puts together a visual essay comprising of his artwork, photographs, collages and ethnographic study of Kochi from the perspective of people living in its margins. Moving through specific places and neighbourhoods in Kochi, he teases out the entanglements of caste, class, and religion in the context of changing climate and urbanisation. He uses his art alongside his words as a means of knowledge and sense-making in the environments he engages with.
Climate action movements have had a history of excluding the people who interact with and shape their environment. Through an ethnography of Delhi’s Dwarka Forest and the movement to preserve it, Nirjesh writes of how, while the forest and the people in the Harijan Basti near it are being squeezed by development projects, the concerns of environmentalists do not include the people living and engaging with the forest on a daily basis.
In a photo essay, Nayla Khwaja chronicles the slow fall of Moradabad’s brass industry, a city which has historically been at the forefront of brass-based kaarigari in South Asia. This fall is accompanied not just by socio-economic factors, but, as Khwaja’s essay reveals, by the numerous environmental breakdowns that are compounded by caste. Pollution, lack of government subsidies and policy failures have pushed the industry and brassworkers in the town into growing precarity.
Shrikant uses two one-act plays set in Marathwada, Bhakshak and Paazar to elucidate literary-cultural responses to issues like human-animal conflict and water scarcity in the region.. The analyses presented in the essay highlight the ways in which performance art and theatre create an active engagement with the climate crisis and its entanglements with working-caste lifeworlds.
References:
PUCL, Fridays for Future & Bahutva Karnataka. (2024). “State of India’s Environment over the Last Decade”.
The National Statistical Office (NSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (M/o S&PI). (2019). “All-India Debt & Investment Survey (AIDIS)”.
Sircar, S. (2025). Reimagining Climate Justice as Caste Justice. In P. Kashwan (Ed.), Climate Justice in India (pp. 162–182). Chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Editors’ Note | Issue 02: Caste and Climate Justice
The genocide and ecocide in Palestine, the unfolding crises in Congo and Sudan, as well as Ladakh and Nicobar lay bare the numerous ways in which capitalist, imperialist, and brahmanical structures align with each other. Together, they are pushing us to the brink of environmental collapse. They have also shown us how enmeshed and planetary all of our struggles are, and how all forms of injustice are interconnected. The same corporations and states that drive fossil fuel dependence and ecological devastation are also complicit in militarised regimes and occupations that seize access to land and resources. Environmental harm is a result of settler-colonial violence and capitalist-imperialist-brahmanical interests. The extractivist impulse of the global elite manifests as a pattern worldwide, a pattern that deepens and prolongs existing forms of structural marginalisation - of gender, race, class and caste.
For us at Fourteen Magazine, it is important not only to name intersecting marginalities, but to actually examine the mechanics of their entanglement. Climate action has little meaning, unless it is mobilised to address deep-seated inequalities that result from the same logics that created the crisis in the first place. In India, caste is woven into the socio-ecological fabric of society. The logic of caste folds neatly into the circuitry of capitalism - both drawing life from dispossession and exploitation of labour and land. Any meaningful pursuit of climate justice must reckon with both the historical and ongoing forms of caste-based extraction.
Since 2014, the Indian government has granted indiscriminate clearance to large projects that severely impact the environment and the communities dependent on it. A report published in 2014 by PUCL, Fridays for Future and Bahutva Karnataka looks at the exacerbating crisis over the last 10 years, noting that the total number of Environmental (EC), Forest (FC), Wildlife (WL) and Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) clearances granted by the Ministry of Environment Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) increased 21 times - from 577 in 2018 to 12,496 in 2022.
Between 2018 and 2023, more than 100 amendments were made to the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification of 2006. These changes significantly diluted environmental protections and procedures to expedite project approvals. Among them were the removal of requirements for environmental clearances and the exemption of public consultations for several types of projects, including linear infrastructure developments. Similar amendments to other frameworks, such as the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Notification, which paved the way for the construction of Mumbai’s Coastal Road, were introduced without prior public notice.
Under the marker of “ease of business”, the government has served corporate interests at the expense of marginalised communities while simultaneously eroding the infrastructure for redressal, dismantling channels for the affected peoples’ response, and cracking down on protests. The impact of these shifts is almost always mediated through caste, shaping who bears the costs and who reaps the benefits.
The growing wealth disparity in the country has been documented in a number of studies— also documenting the growing concentration of wealth among the upper castes. The All-India Debt and Investment Survey (AIDIS) for 2018-19 indicates that upper castes hold nearly 55 per cent of the national wealth, and nearly 90% of all billionaire wealth. But the structures that enable such concentration to emerge were put in place by the pre-existing economies of caste, where access to and ownership of land are the primary instruments of economic position and power relations between different caste groups in the rural economy.
Using the example of Bengal and Punjab, Srilata Sircar (2025) writes about how the colonial settlement institutionalised caste-based land holdings through the use of “bhaichara tenures, or rights of ownership based on fraternity” (Sircar 2025: 167). Under these arrangements, upper-caste groups secured ownership rights, while non-dominant castes were relegated to tenant status, regardless of their actual use or cultivation of the land. Lower-caste, non-agricultural communities, and women were largely excluded from land ownership altogether. Similar settlement interventions across British India codified existing inequalities in access to land and resources into property law.
Upper-caste dominance over institutions, business, wealth holdings, and land creates and exacerbates the unequal vulnerability to climate change. A study by Singh and Thorat (2014) shows that, on the whole, occupational mobility has improved for upper and middle-caste groups in the postcolonial period. Dalits and Adivasis are disproportionately concentrated in skilled and semi-skilled jobs in the informal sector, and reservation policies have little economic impact in a rapidly shrinking public sector.
Given the profound urgency of the crisis and its impact on marginalised communities, this issue seeks to contribute to the growing discourse on caste and climate justice. Our contributors open multiple sites of inquiry through their lived experiences, research, visual documentation, and specific perspectives to engage with the ways in which caste and climate intertwine. The nine articles, while not exhaustive in any way, offer singular glimpses into how the relationship unfolds for different communities in different parts of the country.
Cyclical migration has long been a survival strategy for marginalised workers, particularly in response to changing climate patterns and more frequent disasters. Sachinkumar Rathod and Malini Ranganathan write about their research on the circular climate vulnerability of migrant workers. They trace the climate risk that follows Dalit and Mahadalit migrant workers from their villages (in this case, in flood-prone northern Bihar) to construction sites in Bengaluru, where they work under exploitative contracts, without safety gear or accommodation.
Changing climate patterns are lived and experienced acutely by pastoral communities. Through autoethnography and interviews with her family, Vaishnavi Pal tells the story of the Gadariya community, a nomadic shepherding community that has borne the growing consequences of climate change and marginal caste identity. As she describes shrinking pastures, loss of ecological knowledge and a shift away from pastoralism whilst fighting the shackles of caste identity, there is a sense of duality in the loss - it is both a shift away from a traditional caste occupation, and the loss of a wisdom that could have built important tools for climate resilience.
Prakash Bhoir, Pramila Bhoir and their family have been at the forefront of the Aarey Forest Movement, which mounted a briefly successful (but ultimately thwarted) challenge against the rapid deforestation in the Aarey colony to build metro car sheds. In the process of the movement Prakash Bhoir made several songs, activating folk singing traditions from within the Aarey colony. In this multi-media project we document some of the songs, accompanied by a short video recounting the days of the protest. The songs invite us into an alternate way of looking at our relationship to ecology, the hierarchy of being through which we live our lives.
Ch. Pratima writes about the complexities of picking up the camera as a marginalised-caste woman whose life is directly affected by the accelerated climate crisis. She speaks about her journey as a photographer whose lens is pointed from a unique subjectivity, about her encounter with the photographic image starting from her training and mentorship under Palani Kumar. Her photo essay captures the accelerated erosions in Podampeta, Odisha, in a striking and haunting fashion, rendering the climate crisis an urgent, sincere interiority that very few photographers can.
In Sikkim, the Dhokbu or forest spirits, are guardians and protectors of the forest. Lungmying Lepcha’s photos, interwoven with stories of the spirits from her ancestors, highlight how indigenous knowledge systems function as a powerful form of environmental stewardship. The nature of the spirits she describes is grey, just like humans. She traces the changes in Gangtok over the years through her family’s collective memory, and wonders how the forest spirits can cope with this kind of disruption to their home.
Abhinand Kishore puts together a visual essay comprising of his artwork, photographs, collages and ethnographic study of Kochi from the perspective of people living in its margins. Moving through specific places and neighbourhoods in Kochi, he teases out the entanglements of caste, class, and religion in the context of changing climate and urbanisation. He uses his art alongside his words as a means of knowledge and sense-making in the environments he engages with.
Climate action movements have had a history of excluding the people who interact with and shape their environment. Through an ethnography of Delhi’s Dwarka Forest and the movement to preserve it, Nirjesh writes of how, while the forest and the people in the Harijan Basti near it are being squeezed by development projects, the concerns of environmentalists do not include the people living and engaging with the forest on a daily basis.
In a photo essay, Nayla Khwaja chronicles the slow fall of Moradabad’s brass industry, a city which has historically been at the forefront of brass-based kaarigari in South Asia. This fall is accompanied not just by socio-economic factors, but, as Khwaja’s essay reveals, by the numerous environmental breakdowns that are compounded by caste. Pollution, lack of government subsidies and policy failures have pushed the industry and brassworkers in the town into growing precarity.
Shrikant uses two one-act plays set in Marathwada, Bhakshak and Paazar to elucidate literary-cultural responses to issues like human-animal conflict and water scarcity in the region.. The analyses presented in the essay highlight the ways in which performance art and theatre create an active engagement with the climate crisis and its entanglements with working-caste lifeworlds.
References:
PUCL, Fridays for Future & Bahutva Karnataka. (2024). “State of India’s Environment over the Last Decade”.
The National Statistical Office (NSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (M/o S&PI). (2019). “All-India Debt & Investment Survey (AIDIS)”.
Sircar, S. (2025). Reimagining Climate Justice as Caste Justice. In P. Kashwan (Ed.), Climate Justice in India (pp. 162–182). Chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Editors’ Note | Issue 02: Caste and Climate Justice
The genocide and ecocide in Palestine, the unfolding crises in Congo and Sudan, as well as Ladakh and Nicobar lay bare the numerous ways in which capitalist, imperialist, and brahmanical structures align with each other. Together, they are pushing us to the brink of environmental collapse. They have also shown us how enmeshed and planetary all of our struggles are, and how all forms of injustice are interconnected. The same corporations and states that drive fossil fuel dependence and ecological devastation are also complicit in militarised regimes and occupations that seize access to land and resources. Environmental harm is a result of settler-colonial violence and capitalist-imperialist-brahmanical interests. The extractivist impulse of the global elite manifests as a pattern worldwide, a pattern that deepens and prolongs existing forms of structural marginalisation - of gender, race, class and caste.
For us at Fourteen Magazine, it is important not only to name intersecting marginalities, but to actually examine the mechanics of their entanglement. Climate action has little meaning, unless it is mobilised to address deep-seated inequalities that result from the same logics that created the crisis in the first place. In India, caste is woven into the socio-ecological fabric of society. The logic of caste folds neatly into the circuitry of capitalism - both drawing life from dispossession and exploitation of labour and land. Any meaningful pursuit of climate justice must reckon with both the historical and ongoing forms of caste-based extraction.
Since 2014, the Indian government has granted indiscriminate clearance to large projects that severely impact the environment and the communities dependent on it. A report published in 2014 by PUCL, Fridays for Future and Bahutva Karnataka looks at the exacerbating crisis over the last 10 years, noting that the total number of Environmental (EC), Forest (FC), Wildlife (WL) and Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) clearances granted by the Ministry of Environment Forest and Climate Change (MoEFCC) increased 21 times - from 577 in 2018 to 12,496 in 2022.
Between 2018 and 2023, more than 100 amendments were made to the Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) Notification of 2006. These changes significantly diluted environmental protections and procedures to expedite project approvals. Among them were the removal of requirements for environmental clearances and the exemption of public consultations for several types of projects, including linear infrastructure developments. Similar amendments to other frameworks, such as the Coastal Regulation Zone (CRZ) Notification, which paved the way for the construction of Mumbai’s Coastal Road, were introduced without prior public notice.
Under the marker of “ease of business”, the government has served corporate interests at the expense of marginalised communities while simultaneously eroding the infrastructure for redressal, dismantling channels for the affected peoples’ response, and cracking down on protests. The impact of these shifts is almost always mediated through caste, shaping who bears the costs and who reaps the benefits.
The growing wealth disparity in the country has been documented in a number of studies— also documenting the growing concentration of wealth among the upper castes. The All-India Debt and Investment Survey (AIDIS) for 2018-19 indicates that upper castes hold nearly 55 per cent of the national wealth, and nearly 90% of all billionaire wealth. But the structures that enable such concentration to emerge were put in place by the pre-existing economies of caste, where access to and ownership of land are the primary instruments of economic position and power relations between different caste groups in the rural economy.
Using the example of Bengal and Punjab, Srilata Sircar (2025) writes about how the colonial settlement institutionalised caste-based land holdings through the use of “bhaichara tenures, or rights of ownership based on fraternity” (Sircar 2025: 167). Under these arrangements, upper-caste groups secured ownership rights, while non-dominant castes were relegated to tenant status, regardless of their actual use or cultivation of the land. Lower-caste, non-agricultural communities, and women were largely excluded from land ownership altogether. Similar settlement interventions across British India codified existing inequalities in access to land and resources into property law.
Upper-caste dominance over institutions, business, wealth holdings, and land creates and exacerbates the unequal vulnerability to climate change. A study by Singh and Thorat (2014) shows that, on the whole, occupational mobility has improved for upper and middle-caste groups in the postcolonial period. Dalits and Adivasis are disproportionately concentrated in skilled and semi-skilled jobs in the informal sector, and reservation policies have little economic impact in a rapidly shrinking public sector.
Given the profound urgency of the crisis and its impact on marginalised communities, this issue seeks to contribute to the growing discourse on caste and climate justice. Our contributors open multiple sites of inquiry through their lived experiences, research, visual documentation, and specific perspectives to engage with the ways in which caste and climate intertwine. The nine articles, while not exhaustive in any way, offer singular glimpses into how the relationship unfolds for different communities in different parts of the country.
Cyclical migration has long been a survival strategy for marginalised workers, particularly in response to changing climate patterns and more frequent disasters. Sachinkumar Rathod and Malini Ranganathan write about their research on the circular climate vulnerability of migrant workers. They trace the climate risk that follows Dalit and Mahadalit migrant workers from their villages (in this case, in flood-prone northern Bihar) to construction sites in Bengaluru, where they work under exploitative contracts, without safety gear or accommodation.
Changing climate patterns are lived and experienced acutely by pastoral communities. Through autoethnography and interviews with her family, Vaishnavi Pal tells the story of the Gadariya community, a nomadic shepherding community that has borne the growing consequences of climate change and marginal caste identity. As she describes shrinking pastures, loss of ecological knowledge and a shift away from pastoralism whilst fighting the shackles of caste identity, there is a sense of duality in the loss - it is both a shift away from a traditional caste occupation, and the loss of a wisdom that could have built important tools for climate resilience.
Prakash Bhoir, Pramila Bhoir and their family have been at the forefront of the Aarey Forest Movement, which mounted a briefly successful (but ultimately thwarted) challenge against the rapid deforestation in the Aarey colony to build metro car sheds. In the process of the movement Prakash Bhoir made several songs, activating folk singing traditions from within the Aarey colony. In this multi-media project we document some of the songs, accompanied by a short video recounting the days of the protest. The songs invite us into an alternate way of looking at our relationship to ecology, the hierarchy of being through which we live our lives.
Ch. Pratima writes about the complexities of picking up the camera as a marginalised-caste woman whose life is directly affected by the accelerated climate crisis. She speaks about her journey as a photographer whose lens is pointed from a unique subjectivity, about her encounter with the photographic image starting from her training and mentorship under Palani Kumar. Her photo essay captures the accelerated erosions in Podampeta, Odisha, in a striking and haunting fashion, rendering the climate crisis an urgent, sincere interiority that very few photographers can.
In Sikkim, the Dhokbu or forest spirits, are guardians and protectors of the forest. Lungmying Lepcha’s photos, interwoven with stories of the spirits from her ancestors, highlight how indigenous knowledge systems function as a powerful form of environmental stewardship. The nature of the spirits she describes is grey, just like humans. She traces the changes in Gangtok over the years through her family’s collective memory, and wonders how the forest spirits can cope with this kind of disruption to their home.
Abhinand Kishore puts together a visual essay comprising of his artwork, photographs, collages and ethnographic study of Kochi from the perspective of people living in its margins. Moving through specific places and neighbourhoods in Kochi, he teases out the entanglements of caste, class, and religion in the context of changing climate and urbanisation. He uses his art alongside his words as a means of knowledge and sense-making in the environments he engages with.
Climate action movements have had a history of excluding the people who interact with and shape their environment. Through an ethnography of Delhi’s Dwarka Forest and the movement to preserve it, Nirjesh writes of how, while the forest and the people in the Harijan Basti near it are being squeezed by development projects, the concerns of environmentalists do not include the people living and engaging with the forest on a daily basis.
In a photo essay, Nayla Khwaja chronicles the slow fall of Moradabad’s brass industry, a city which has historically been at the forefront of brass-based kaarigari in South Asia. This fall is accompanied not just by socio-economic factors, but, as Khwaja’s essay reveals, by the numerous environmental breakdowns that are compounded by caste. Pollution, lack of government subsidies and policy failures have pushed the industry and brassworkers in the town into growing precarity.
Shrikant uses two one-act plays set in Marathwada, Bhakshak and Paazar to elucidate literary-cultural responses to issues like human-animal conflict and water scarcity in the region.. The analyses presented in the essay highlight the ways in which performance art and theatre create an active engagement with the climate crisis and its entanglements with working-caste lifeworlds.
References:
PUCL, Fridays for Future & Bahutva Karnataka. (2024). “State of India’s Environment over the Last Decade”.
The National Statistical Office (NSO), Ministry of Statistics and Programme Implementation (M/o S&PI). (2019). “All-India Debt & Investment Survey (AIDIS)”.
Sircar, S. (2025). Reimagining Climate Justice as Caste Justice. In P. Kashwan (Ed.), Climate Justice in India (pp. 162–182). Chapter, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
